[This is an excerpt from an article in The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs and Policy Studies. Opinions expressed do not reflect the position of the Round Table editorial board.]

Disciplinary actions have declined significantly over time. From 1975 to 2007, 16 MPs were dismissed and nine imprisoned. In contrast, between 2008 and 2024, only four MPs were dismissed and two imprisoned. Given the length of these periods, one would expect at least half the outcomes in the latter period if enforcement remained consistent. The shortfall suggests a decline in institutional capacity or political will to hold leaders accountable (Ketan, Citation2007; G. Walton & Kabuni, Citation2025).

Nonetheless, some successful cases have signalled the potential of PNG’s accountability mechanisms. Notable among them is the 2014 conviction of Francis Potape, a former minister found guilty of misappropriation, although his conviction was later overturned on appeal (Post-Courier, Citation2015). Another high-profile case involved former Minister Paul Tiensten, who was sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment in 2014 for misappropriating public funds – a rare instance of a senior minister serving jail time (State v. Tiensten, Citation2014 PGNC 25; N5561). The case of former National Provident Fund chairman Jimmy Maladina, who was convicted of conspiracy and misuse of trust funds in 2015, also reflects the judiciary’s occasional ability to prosecute complex financial crimes (The National, Citation2015). Similarly, the 10 years protacted legal proceedings involving prominent lawyer Paul Paraka, who was convicted in May 2023 of misappropriating over K162 million in public funds and subsequently sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment in October 2023, demonstrates both the magnitude of alleged corruption and the challenges in securing timely judicial outcomes (Post-Courier, Citation2023; The State v. Paul Paraka, Citation2023). These cases, although limited in number, serve as important precedents and demonstrate that PNG’s legal framework can deliver justice under conducive political and institutional conditions.

Celebrations and growing pains: 50 years of Papua New Guinean independence
Political and social development in Papua New Guinea

The period 2019–2024 saw a renewed push under Prime Minister James Marape to combat corruption through legal and institutional reforms. These included the passage of whistleblower protection laws, extension of the Ombudsman Commission’s jurisdiction, the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry into the Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) loan, a parliamentary committee on health sector corruption, and the development of a national anti-corruption strategy. A major milestone was the constitutional establishment of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in 2020. Despite these advances, high-level prosecutions remain rare, and enforcement outcomes limited (G. Walton & Kabuni, Citation2025).

Budgetary allocations to anti-corruption institutions have fluctuated in recent years, leading to scholars calling it the ‘boom and burst’ of anti-corruption funding (G. Walton & Hushang, Citation2020, p. 187). The disparity between political rhetoric and institutional practice is evident: while formal structures and investigations were initiated, the decline in enforcement outcomes – such as dismissals, prosecutions, and sanctions (G. Walton & Kabuni, Citation2025) – points to enduring gaps in accountability. In essence, political commitment has often failed to translate into consistent, systemic action, reinforcing the perception that anti-corruption reforms are more symbolic than substantive.

PNG’s capacity to address transnational financial crime remains particularly limited. As Figure 1 shows, the 2024 Mutual Evaluation Report (MER) by the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG) noted moderate technical compliance but significant deficiencies in effectiveness, especially in achieving the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) Immediate Outcomes (APG, Citation2024). Notably, there have been no successful prosecutions for money laundering in sectors identified as high-risk in both international and domestic assessments (APG, Citation2024; Financial Analysis and Supervision Unit, Citation2017). If these deficiencies are not addressed, PNG faces possible greylisting by FATF in November 2025, with implications for its financial system and foreign investment.

In conclusion, while PNG has introduced important anti-corruption reforms and sustained democratic governance over five decades, implementation gaps remain wide. Declining enforcement outcomes, weak institutional funding, and limited transnational enforcement capacity suggest that political will has not been fully translated into systemic accountability. However, isolated successful prosecutions offer proof of concept and a foundation upon which broader anti-corruption momentum could be built if supported by adequate resources and political commitment.

Michael Kabuni is with the Department of Pacific Affairs, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia.